“Statistical Evidence Paradox”: bogus

Here is a criminal law version of [a] problem. Defendants are both hunters. They recklessly fire bullets in a direction where they heard a rustle even though they have good grounds for fearing that the rustle might have been caused bya  person rather than an animal. Defendant One fires 95 shots; Defendant Two fires 5. In the end, it cannot be determined whose bullet killed the victim. Defendant One is prosecuted for manslaughter. The argument is made that the mere fact that he fired 95 of the 100 bullets that rained down in the vicinity of the victim proves by preponderance of the evidence that he is the killer. Again, courts would refuse to so interpret the evidence. But why?

That is a passage from Leo Katz’s book Ill-gotten Gains: Evasion, Blackmail, Fraud, and Kindred Puzzles of the Law. Katz argues that the courts, justifiably, would refuse to convict in this case because the evidence is “statistical,” and thus not a basis for the same type of knowledge that is required for a conviction. Katz draws the analogy (giving credit to another philosopher) to a person who believes that it is currently nine o’clock, based on the fact that his watch, which stopped exactly 12 hours ago (unbeknownst to the person), says nine o’clock. This person’s belief is correct, although it should not be said to constitute “knowledge,” since “there is an insufficient causal connection between [the] true, justified belief that it is nine o’clock and the fact that it is nine o’clock” — rather, the person’s belief is correct only by coincidence. Katz argues that, in the same way, although the belief that Defendant One killed the victim may be justified, it “would not be connected with the actual facts in the right kind of way to permit one to say that the court actually ‘knew’… that Defendant One killed the victim.”

(Katz’s argument is made entirely in the section called “The Statistical Evidence Paradox,” linked to above, which takes about 2 minutes to read. The part I’ve block quoted is from the 2nd paragraph of that section.)

This seems to be a completely bogus argument. Any evidence, if enough data is collected to quantify its usefulness, is “statistical evidence.” Suppose that Tom is on trial for murder based the following evidence: a) a videotape of him stabbing Scott in the chest at 12pm on Sunday, and b) the the medical examiner’s testimony that Scott died due to the fact that his heart stopped beating within minutes of being pierced by a sharp object around 12pm on Sunday. Suppose Tom’s defense lawyer calls to the stand a medical doctor who explains that the statistics suggest that a person with Scott’s cholesterol levels and body mass index has a 1 in 100 billion chance of dying due to heart attack within any 1 minute span, even if he is not being stabbed. Would Katz absurdly argue that this doctor’s testimony has rendered the evidence against Tom merely “statistical” and therefore not good enough for conviction? Of course, a 1 in 100 billion chance that Tom is innocent (i.e. that he stabbed Scott immediately after Scott had died naturally of a heart attack; assume for the purpose of the thought experiment that Tom, a psychopath, is just as likely to stab a dead person as a live person) is lower than the 5 in 100 chance that Defendant One (the hunter in Katz’s example) did not shoot the victim, but don’t be distracted by that: Katz admits that the 95% probability renders “justified” the belief that Defendant One is guilty. Katz is not quarreling with the magnitude of the probability itself, rather he is quarreling with the type of evidence used: “the connection… has the look of a coincidence.”

Katz suggests that there is a category of evidence which is epistemologically superior to mere “statistical evidence.” He is simply wrong: all evidence is statistical, if you bother to run the numbers.

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Note: I previously posted on what I thought was a totally bogus argument made in this same book by Katz. Commenter (and friend) Julian defended Katz’s argument, and I admit I probably overstated the case when I called Katz’s argument “just utter nonsense,” partially due to my failure to fully understand his analogy. However I stand by my position that Katz’s argument is invalid, for the reason I explain in my last comment in that thread. In any case, I am comforted by Katz’s very clear blunder in the present case — and more confident that I was right about that previous argument, based on this new evidence that Katz,  at least sometimes, uses very sloppy arguments.

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Chris Christie: a Sinner

According to Chris Christie’s wife, “her husband’s family responsibilities preclude a run for the presidency.” According to many Republicans, Christie represents our country’s best hope for getting off of the path to ruin that Obama has charted for us. And Christie does not clearly disagree, but he and his wife have indicated that their family comes first.

Why don’t we condemn Christie as one of the most selfish people in America? He has the opportunity (according to his backers) to help avert economic catastrophe and save American lives abroad (presumably he and his backers think he could wage the 5 wars / bombing campaigns we are engaged in more effectively than Obama), and he is not willing to bring a little bit of inconvenience to his family in order to achieve this?

Leo Katz, in his book Ill-gotten Gains: Evasion, Blackmail, Fraud, and Kindred Puzzles of the Law, explains that we generally view “sins of omission” (the failure to do good things) as much less bad than “sins of comission,” (actively doing bad things) and our treatment of Christie is a good example of this. Christie’s decision leaves the world much worse off, but the mechanism is a failure to do a very good thing rather than the doing of a very bad thing, so we don’t blame him too much. If somehow Christie were to do something “proactively” to bring about the deaths of hundreds of Americans, and cause millions more to lose their jobs, just so he and his family could be a little more comfortable, we’d think he is a really bad guy, unlike in the present case. So why is it that we are so much harder on sinners of comission than omission? A reasonable answer is that if we strongly condemned sins of omission, people would be miserable due to having to constantly worry about what good deeds they need to do in order to meet minimum morality requirements.

But that answer doesn’t fully resolve the problem. Fast forward 6 years to 2017: Recently elected President Christie has 70% approval ratings due to his successful campaign to “stop fiddling around in irrelevant countries in the Middle East and start fixing our own problems, particularly unemployment and our crushing debt.” He is on the verge of striking a budget deal with Democrats. Then, a dirty bomb goes of in Manhattan, killing thousands of people and causing total chaos. Christie decides that this is all just too stressful for his family, so he hands over the presidency to his VP, Rick Santorum, who launches 3 wars in retaliation for the dirty bomb, and drops the budget initiative. Would this be a sin of omission or comission on Christie’s part? Does Christie’s resignation represent an action or a failure to act? Obviously this is just semantics, and it does feel a bit arbitrary that we would likely condemn Christie much more in the case of a resignation than in the current case (particularly if we don’t view Obama as better than Santorum, as Christie’s backers probably do not).

One other issue: isn’t it a shame that a deal can’t be worked out whereby some wealthy Republican would pay Christie $10m per year to serve as president, to ease his concerns about his family’s comfort? In order to avoid the perception of bribery, the wealthy person could a) do this anonymously for the time being, agreeing to reveal his identity only after Christie is out of power (so the donor could still get glory out of it ultimately), and b) put the money in an escrow account which automatically disburses $10m per year as long as Christie is president, so the donor cannot control the money during the presidency.

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“Forgiveness”: A non-sequitur?

I’m reading the book Ill-gotten Gains: Evasion, Blackmail, Fraud, and Kindred Puzzles of the Law by Leo Katz, and so far the book has been an interesting exploration of the question of whether and why it may be ok for 2 actions to be functionally equivalent (i.e. producing equivalent outcomes), yet either ethically or legally not equivalent. Lots of quirky and fun ethical and legal scenarios are analyzed (so far it is mostly buildup to what I hope will be a sort of grand unified theory of ethics/law as it relates to this question). I briefly describe the blackmail example at the end of the blog post to satisfy your curiosity.

But the primary purpose of this blog post is to see if anyone can help me understand the section of the book I don’t understand. There is only one such section (so far; I’m only 50 pages in), and fortunately (for you) it is the shortest (less than a page). It seems to me to be a complete non-sequitur. It is here (the relevant section is the one called “Forgiveness”). If someone can argue (to my satisfaction) that this section is not just utter nonsense — in particular, that Katz has shown what he claims to have “show[n]” in the last sentence — I’ll buy that person a beer. And I should emphasize, to encourage you, that I have found no other evidence of nonsensical writing in this book. As further encouragement I estimate that it will take you 90 seconds or less to read the section.

I don’t believe that you’ll be much disadvantaged by lack of context, but I’ll provide one bit: Katz, leading up to the “Forgiveness” section, has been describing cases where Blaise Pascal has found the Jesuits to adhere to an ethical system which seems suspect in that it expressly allows Jesuits to exploit loopholes in the ethical code (e.g. they say it is not o.k. for a Jesuit to willingly take part in a duel, but it is ok to go out into a field with a sword at an appointed time, and defend oneself if attacked). Katz, in “Forgiveness” begins by describing another apparent oddity in the Jesuit ethical code.

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Blackmail example (just for your curiosity, not related to above question other than that it is from the same book): Abigail and Mildred both want to audition for a play at 12p tomorrow. Mildred would prefer that Abigail not show up, thus making it easier for Mildred to get the part. Abigail has been unfaithful to her husband and Mildred knows this. Mildred considers 2 possible courses of action: 1) Call Abigail and tell her that if she shows up to the audition, Mildred will reveal Abigail’s infidelity to her husband. 2) Fed-Ex a letter detailing the infidelity to Abigail’s address, and then call Abigail and tell her that the letter is in the mail and will arrive at 12pm (the implication is that if Abigail goes to the audition her husband will see the letter first). In both cases Mildred effectively causes Abigail to decide between having her infidelity revealed and missing the audition. Yet only case 1 is technically blackmail.

 

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Mickey Kaus

asks a funny question:

If a Tweet Falls in the Forest …: Hmm. You know those attractive women who want to friend you on FacebookThey may be fictitious “bimbots.” Which raises the question: What if Anthony Weiner had sent photos of his “cape and tights” to women who didn’t … exist? It would still be creepy–pathetic and pathological–but would we care? And if we wouldn’t care in that case, should we care all that much in the case at hand? …

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One more round on Kervorkian

Ross Douthat, responding to a blogger (called “Drum”) who raised basically the same objections as I did to his Kervorkian critique, writes:

For Drum, though, a question: Assuming that the would-be suicide is of sound-enough mind and uncoerced, are there really no secular, non-Judeo-Christian reasons to think that assisting in self-slaughter might be morally problematic? And a follow-up, in the spirit of the daughter test: If Drum had, let’s say, a middle-aged friend confined to a wheelchair by an accident who had spent a few years battling waves of entirely-understandable despair over his condition, and a “merciful” Swiss clinician then prescribed that friend a fatal dose of sodium pentobarbital (after subjecting him to a battery of “common sense” psychological evaluations, of course), would he see no non-religious grounds on which to describe that doctor as a murderer?

Douthat is simply trying to confuse his reader about the role of a doctor in this procedure. He suggests that the doctor decided the friend should die, so prescribed a substance that would make that occur (that, in fact, would amount to murder, unless the friend agreed with the doctor on whether he should die). Whether the patient should kill himself is no more a question for the friend’s doctor to decide than it is for the friend’s travel agent to decide. The doctor just happens to have the tools to allow the person to die as he wishes.

Suppose that the friend who wanted to kill himself collects Social Security benefits from the government, and that if it weren’t for these benefits, he would have no money. Suppose he uses these benefits to buy a ticket to the top of the Eiffel tower, from where he jumps to his death. Would Douthat say that the U.S. government is guilty of manslaughter for providing the tools with which the friend took his life? What if the man had informed the government if his intention to use the benefits to take his life.

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Ross Douthat on Kervorkian

Could it ever be more wrong to assist someone commit an act than to commit the act itself? It seems generally like it isn’t: the accomplice to the bank robbery is obviously less culpable than the robber. But Ross Douthat might have us believe that in fact there are cases where the accomplice is more to blame than the primary agent. (I explain towards the end of the blog post).

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I was a little hesitant to unreservedly praise Jack Kervorkian in my last post, since I actually do not know too much about the specifics of his work, so I was happy to see that Ross Douthat wrote a column this morning in the NY Times criticizing Kervorkian — surely Douthat would familiarize me with any cases where Kervorkian was too quick to kill, or otherwise operated immorally.

But it turns out Douthat has nothing on Kervorkian. Instead, Douthat argues as follows:

1) Helping terminally ill people die is no more morally acceptable than helping physically well people die (since in fact the key issue is whether a person wants to die, he points out we never kill terminally ill patients who do not want to die).

2) We know it is wrong to assist in the suicide of the physically well.

3) Therefore it is wrong to assist in the suicide of the physically unwell (this is implied, Douthat never actually says it).

4) Kervorkian, as well as others, implicitly agreeing with 1), has in fact helped physically well people kill themselves.

Douthat betrays the fact that he doubts he has convinced us of the validity of point 1 by finishing the column fixating on cases of assisted suicide of the well (point 4).

Also, he simply never makes any effort at all to argue that it is in fact wrong to help physically healthy people to commit suicide (i.e. point 2 is unsubstantiated, and point 4 is irrelevant). Is this really something that can be simply assumed in a column like this? I actually find myself tempted to use Douthat’s logic in reverse, boring my readers with examples that show how those who are not terminally ill might be just as convinced they want to die as those who are terminally ill (and how flimsy the distinction between “terminally ill” and “not terminally ill” is among us mortals), and then relying on my readers’ intuition that it is ok to assist in the suicide of the ill, so it must be ok to do the same for the physically well. I’ll resist that temptation and simply say that I think it is morally acceptable to help physically well adults to die in the way they’d like to die, particularly if there are tangible difficulties they are facing in life which suggest that their desire is not just a temporary phase (e.g. they lost loved ones and have been unable to find any happiness for years).

One additional element to this debate: would people like Douthat argue that the doctor who assists in the suicide is more morally culpable than the person who commits suicide himself? It seems very hard to argue that someone should not be allowed to die in the way he pleases. But it also is hard to see how it could ever be the case that behavior X is morally acceptable, but assisting in behavior X is morally unacceptable. Could that ever be the case? I don’t believe so.

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2 kinds of laws

Jack Kervorkian, a champion of personal freedom who helped people die the way they wanted to die, died two days ago of natural causes. John Delaney, an entrepeneur who ran an online current events betting site (www.intrade.com), died last week on the top of Mount Everest. Both of these men made careers out of helping people engage in harmless activities which were nonetheless illegal or legally restricted in the U.S. I hope that in my lifetime, both euthanasia and online betting will be declared legal. Both are activities that I might at some point want to engage in (I already do want to bet online), and I am bothered that the government wants to get in my way.

I am, however, more bothered by the legal obstructions to online gambling than by the illegality of suicide. Besides the fact that I am much more inclined towards gambling than assisted suicide, another key reason is that online gambling, unlike suicide, is an activity that I’d like to use to enhance my life on a continuous basis, from my own home in the U.S. If I were ever to decide I wanted a doctor to help me die peacefully, I’d just take a trip to the Netherlands and work with a doctor there (it would be somewhat of an inconvenience, but it could certainly be done).

Any law which bans one-off activities like suicide can be skirted through the marketplace of nations. (In order to take advantage of this marketplace, a person needs to have enough money for a plane ticket, and to live in a country that allows its citizens to travel abroad – which is just about everywhere.) A law, on the other hand, which bans lifestyle choices such as gambling, is truly oppressive.

In addition to euthenasia laws, other laws that can be rendered almost irrelevant through travel are laws banning certain types of surgery, laws banning abortion (although this one is time sensitive so it can’t always be gotten around quite as conveniently), laws restricting banking secrecy (you actually don’t even need to travel to take advantage of these I believe), laws banning torture by government (“extraordinary rendition” is the way to get around this), etc.

Online gambling on current events is of course not in this category, and it is something I really wish were unequivocally legal – the legality/convenience of online betting is one of the few political issues that are actually relevant to my day-to-day happiness (the other big one being taxes; almost all other political issues of today are not very relevant at all to my happiness level in concrete terms, i.e. they are only relevant to me insofar as it feels good to be subject to laws which conform to my ideology). However, the amazing thing to me is that, not only do other people not seem to care enough about this issue to pressure politicians to make it legal to operate online gambling sites (which is clearly illegal), the government doesn’t even bother to tell people whether the use of online gambling sites is legal or not! Delaney, the operator of the betting site who just died, asked the U.S. government whether it was legal or not, and apparently they simply ignored him! Barney Frank wrote a bill to clarify and loosen up laws around online gambling, and it just fizzled. If the stock market were banned, people would go crazy. People argue all day long about predictions about the future (much more than they argue about future stock prices) — why aren’t they bothered that they aren’t free to put there money where there mouth is on Intrade?

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You know we’re losing control of the meaning of the term “conspiracy theory”

when a National Review columnist (the guy on the right) does not object to the use of that term to describe the view that the source of Anthony Weiner’s twitter account’s controversial tweet was….. Anthony Weiner. (critical question: who would need to have “conspired” in order for that view to be correct? or does “conspiracy theory” simply mean “theory I disagree with” now? If so I will be using the former term a lot more often, as it is definitely more bothersome to the person whose theory is being critiqued.)

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Who’s taking hostages?

A typical hostage-taker says “I will kill some innocent people unless you give me a bunch of money.” According to Paul Krugman, Republicans are hostage-takers. The only things setting them apart from typical hostage-takers are that they demanded money for rich Americans rather than themselves, and instead of threatening murder, they threatened to withhold tax cuts for middle-class Americans:

Six months ago President Obama faced a hostage situation. Republicans threatened to block an extension of middle-class tax cuts unless Mr. Obama gave in and extended tax cuts for the rich too.

But suppose Obama had given a speech in which he said “I will not sign a tax extension bill that includes tax cuts for the rich. We simply cannot afford to them.” Would Krugman have written:

Six months ago the Republicans faced a hostage situation. Mr. Obama threatened to block an extension of middle-class tax cuts unless the Republicans gave in and agreed not to extend tax cuts for the rich.

Probably not. But it would have been just as correct. Surely, though it can’t be that the best way of describing a political standoff is to accuse both parties of being “hostage-takers.” So, in the hypothetical world where Obama made the statement I made up above (which he did not; in the real world he “gave in,” as Krugman says), the use of “hostage” analogies is really just nonsense, and in fact, the better analogy for a symmetric situation like this is the game of chicken.

But maybe there are some times when the hostage analogy is the right one:

For example we now face another situation where Republicans are accused of taking hostages: the debt ceiling vote. The Republicans say they won’t raise the debt ceiling  unless there is also agreement to curb spending. Krugman (in addition to reminding us that Republicans are “hostage-takers”) has in turn urged Democrats not to raise the debt ceiling if the Republicans insist on coupling such a vote with “a large change in policy” (by which he means spending cuts).

Both sides agree that they need to write a bill to raise the debt ceiling. But both sides threaten to vote that bill down if peripherally related parts of the bill bother them. Question: Is there an asymmetry that should make us call one side the “hostage-takers,” or, alternatively, is this just another game of chicken? In general, what distinguishes disputes where one party should be condemned for “taking hostages” from disputes best characterized as games of chicken? (Note that in this situation, unlike the tax-cut case, we need not create a hypothetical world in order to make the situation symmetric, since Krugman has in fact urged the Democrats not to sign a debt ceiling bill they don’t like.)

I’ll write a follow-up post with my analysis within a week or so.

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1967 Borders

(Sunday 1am: update below)

There has been a lot of discussion about Obama’s endorsement of Israel and Palestine’s returning to “1967 lines with mutually agreed [land] swaps.”

Conservatives (e.g. Charles Krauthammer) interpreted Obama’s statement as basically just an endorsement of returning to 1967 borders, and then liberals (e.g. Will Saletan) criticized the conservatives for ignoring the “mutually agreed swaps” that Obama called for. Liberals are right and conservatives wrong on the narrow point they are debating — of course you can’t simply ignore the clause “mutually agreed land swaps.”

But both conservatives and liberals missed the far more important point: Obama’s endorsement of “pre-1967 borders, with mutually agreed swaps” is exactly as useful as a civil judge’s declaration that “the defendent must return the stolen sofa to the plaintiff, but there also need to be further mutually agreed furniture exchanges between the defendent and plaintiff (which may or may not include swapping the stolen sofa back to the defendent).” In other words, it is not useful. The judge would have just as well declared “the plaintiff and defendent need to arrive at a mutually agreeable resolution to their furniture dispute,” as Obama could have simply explained “Israel and Palestine need agree on borders.” Any borders separating Israel from Palestine can trivially be constructed as equal to “pre-1967 borders” plus “swaps.” Why bother involving Obama in the first place?

Obama is a former community organizer. I wonder whether he often found it useful, when mediating a 2-party dispute, to put forth a resolution and then declare that that resolution should be further modified in an unspecified way (to be determined through “further negotiations” by the parties themselves). I certainly would not have appreciated this approach if I were a member of his community.

Update: I also should have mentioned that we should be too unhappy with Netanyahu and the conservatives for basically ignoring the “with mutually agreed swaps” clause. The reason is that it is that clause which renders Obama’s statement useless. Netanyahu and the conservatives misunderstood Obama as having said something substantive, perhaps due to a human tendency to err on the side of interpreting a statement as having substance. Obama then basically had to go to AIPAC and emphasize the “with mutually agreed swaps” clause, i.e. emphasize that in fact he takes no position whatsoever on the borders. If he’d simply said “I take no position on the borders,” Netanyahu surely would have understood the first time.

Also I should mention that this argument probably applies just as much to Bush and some other presidents as well, as I have read that Obama’s statement is consistent with that of previous administrations.

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